We the People


Letters of the Institute for domestic Tranquility Washington • July-August 1992 Volume 7 • Number 7

International Tranquility

Israel and the Arab States

If the peoples of Israel and the Arab states on her borders could bring themselves to look beyond their conflict over Palestine, what would they likely foresee?

Current leaders in Israel, with stout hearts but closed minds, would see an ever invincible Israel capable of defending herself indefinitely. Current Arab leaders would see time and attrition on their side and might be content to await Israel's eventual disintegration.

Thoughtful Israeli citizens, among them potential future leaders, might see the future differently than current leaders. They might see that Israel's "invincibility" is predicated on unlikely open-ended U.S. support. They might equate survivability with the necessity for accommodation with neighboring Arab states. They might see the potential fruits of accommodation.

Potential leaders in the Arab states, influenced by changed socio-political circumstances, might see the destructive, draining, and inconclusive disadvantages of continuing enmity toward Israel; and they might see the advantages of the potential fruits of accommodation.

What could be some of the fruits of accommodation? Cooperation is one product of accommodation. Cooperation is a peaceful, not warlike, endeavor that enables other peaceful activities to take place. These activities, in turn, could become the building blocks, for the foundation of a lasting peaceful relationship.

The United States has established and maintained, even during difficult periods of nation-to-nation political relations, a broad range of scientific and technological interchanges in every geographical area on the globe—for example, even with the former USSR and China, with whom ideological and political differences were at times profound. Although diminished during times of great political difficulty, the scientific and technological relationships were kept alive. They blossomed with the advent of tranquil political relations at the national level, contributing substantially to the strength of those relations.

So, what cooperation between Israel and her Arab neighbors is worthy of consideration? What about economic development and environmental protection? The land are a occupied by Israel and her Arab neighbors is harsh; it is mostly desert with limited water and arable land, and a fragile ecosystem for animals and plants. The challenge of the land for Jews and Arab is, therefore, formidable, and requires even greater national cooperation than might take place among most other nations.

Some of the objectives of cooperation in this area would be additions to quantity and quality of water along with its more efficient use, creation of more arable land, development of heat-resistant crops that use less water and tolerate soil salts, and establishment of ecological preservation systems without boundaries.

Subsequently, in time, or possibly to a limited extent at the same time, opportunity would exist for joint development of improved and new infrastructure—transport, buildings, and bridges—in order to create new potential for national and regional economic development for the benefit of rapidly burgeoning populations. Further on in time would come opportunity for joint scientific and technical research, cultural exchanges, cooperation in education (an ancient focus of achievement for Jews and Arabs), and emotional sharing of religious values, including sites, sounds, and pageantry of three of the world's great religions: Judaism, Islam, and Christianity.

What dictates the necessity of accommodation between Israel and her Arab neighbors, between Jews and Arabs? Israeli-Arab accommodation, in no one's mind, is regarded as an easy task. In fact, most observers will be quick to point, in defeatist terms, to the many unresolved crises around the world in 1992 that were generated by ancient ethnic-racial hatreds and rivalries. For, example, look at those in newly-formed political entities of the former Soviet Union, or among the contending factions in what used to be Yugoslavia, or in Czechoslovakia, or in Northern Ireland.

The difference is that these cited conflicts are geographically confineable, whereas in the Middle East, as nowhere else in the world, the conflicts are less manageable and the stakes for peace are high.

There are about 817 million Muslims in the world—in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia, and in scattered nations elsewhere, and they are all sympathetic with the plight of the Palestinian Arabs. At the same time there are about 18 million Jews on the globe—in Israel and in many other nations—and they are all concerned about the survival of Israel.

Necessary in these circumstances to avoid catastrophic conflict is a gigantic and sustained effort for peace.

Like the people of the United States (Israel's most significant outside supporter), the people of Israel are imaginative, innovative, and industrious. Within them is passion for accomplishment. In less than 44 years, the people of Israel have generated considerable national power and creativity. The American people produced great power and wealth in less than 100 years. America's power and wealth were made possible not only by people like those in Israel but also by enviable geopolitical circumstances, including vast territory with abundant natural resources. America's power and wealth are sustainable indefinitely.

Israel, on the other hand, can continue to progress only within the limits imposed by a small territory and few natural resources, an unenviable geopolitical position made worse by land hemmed in against the Mediterranean sea by Syria, Jordan, and Egypt.

The peoples of Syria, Jordan, and Egypt, predominantly Arabs, also have passion for accomplishment, despite their differences divisions, and limited natural resources. Apart from modern progress, their future may be assessed by recalling past achievements. During the Middle Ages, they were standard-bearers of learning, founding many universities and academies, passing on much knowledge of the ancient world, and thus helping lay the foundation of Western culture, developing the Hindu system of numbers (known to us as Arabic numerals), translating literature of ancient Greece, and developing skilled and beautiful script writing. They were establishers of splendid civilizations in Iraq, Syria, Palestine, and Spain. They were practitioners of advanced medicine, and builders of such great edifices as the Taj Mahal in India and the Alhambra in Spain.

Israel's unenviable geopolitical position is exacerbated by the unrelenting enmity of Arab neighbors, by pressure on territory from immigration, by Palestinian Arabs living within her borders who continue to be repressed and deprived, and by diminishing amounts of assistance from other nations.

No matter how ingenious the people of Israel, nationhood cannot long be sustained without changed circumstances.

Citizens of Israel in 1992 must still regard their nation with pride and great satisfaction. Finally created in 1948, after centuries of division and persecution, was a homeland for Jews. And not just a homeland but also a state, a country, a national political, entity recognized and admired throughout the international community of nations.

The soaring accomplishments of Israel's people—in technology, industry, infrastructure, agriculture, education, economic development—also are sources of enduring pride and satisfaction. They leave indelible imprints on soul as well as intellect.

Nevertheless, when reflecting on all of this, Israel's citizens must also have concerns—perhaps misgivings—about the searing events leading to the creation of Israel; about the contentious and divisive political processes used in the legal establishment of Israel as a state; about enmities, hostilities, terror, violence, and war since Israel became a nation; about insecurities flowing from the multi-racial and religious make-up of her population; about the siege-like atmosphere of daily existence; and about the eroding effect of these concerns on Israeli citizens and, significantly, on Israel's outside supporters, among whom ennui is apparent.

Where, the Israeli people must be asking themselves: in 1992, is all of this leading? Where are promised peace and tranquility, personal as well as national security? How can Israel's accomplishments be preserved and improved? How long will Israel's supporters continue to support? Can Israel go it alone? Where are all of Israel's dreams?

Up to now, Arab opposition to Israel's very existence has been tempered only by United Nations Resolution 242—excruciatingly, carefully crafted—and by recent willingness of Palestinian Arabs within Israel to participate in peace talks. Resolution 242, approved in 1967, was a start. Absent in the ensuing 25 years is further amelioration.

Historically, Arabs as well as Jews fall within the definition and meaning of the word Semite. (Curious, isn't it, that the words Semite, Semitic, and anti-Semite have come by the average person's usage to refer only to Jews?) Historically, Jews and Arabs have been and are still living peaceably together in the Arab World. Isolated instances of discrimination there may have been, but no persecution Persecution was the instrument of Christian and other non-Arab nations.

As Semites, Jews and Arabs are acknowledged cousins. They have much in common. As cousins, they might begin to contemplate, with a measure of equanimity, not only the reality of their kinship but also the reality of being able to persuade themselves to edge gradually toward political, practical, emotional, and just plain human accommodation of each other. They might begin to assess the opportunities of accommodation.

Together they might understand they can change their corner of the world, thereby contributing to peace in other corners of the world. Together they might understand the opportunity for accommodation is now, is unlikely to persist, and is not destined to come round a second time.

Key Provisions of UN Resolution 242 are: "(i) Withdrawal of all Israeli armed forces from territories occupied..." (in 1967); "(ii) Termination of all claim of states of belligerency and respect for the acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial, integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace and within secure and recognized boundaries."

...Robert Sturgill...


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